VOTERS in Australia and Britain have had their fill of out-of-control multiculturalism.
AT first blush, Australia's Julia Gillard's
about face over immigration would seem
to be as unlikely as Osama bin Laden singing the Star Spangled Banner or
Richard Dawkins taking holy orders.
Here is a politician with a solid pedigree on the "anti-racist" Left
rejecting former prime minister Kevin Rudd's call for a "Big Australia"
formed by continuing large-scale immigration.
Instead, Gillard has said she understands the anxieties of folk in
western Sydney, western Melbourne or the Gold Coast growth corridor in
Queensland.
As for the boats of asylum-seekers, Gillard has made clear she wants to
be even more effective in stopping them in order to protect "our
sanctuary" and "the Australian way".
In other words, Gillard is signaling that she sympathises with the
concern that large-scale immigration and multiculturalism are
threatening Australia's core values and identity, a position the Left
denounces as bigotry.
Consequently, Gillard's remarks have produced predictable cries of
"racism" and "dog-whistling". So why has the new Labor leader ventured
into this particular cultural minefield? The explanation is that
something tumultuous is happening, not just in Australia but in Britain
too, something so unusual that people are stumbling around in a state of
stunned disorientation.
It is that politicians are at last actually taking seriously what their
electorates are saying to them about immigration and multiculturalism.
This is that they will no longer put up with a policy which threatens to
destroy their country's values and way of life, and will vote
accordingly.
In Britain even more than in Australia - where at least John Howard or
Tony Abbott have tackled such issues - race and culture have long been
totally taboo. No debate has been possible about whether mass
immigration might be a bad thing for communities or the country as a
whole.
Even to question this has been to invite instant denunciation as a
racist from the dominant left-wing intelligentsia, for whom anti-racism
has long been their signature creed.
The Conservative leader and now Prime Minister, David Cameron, who is
driven by the need to bury the label of "the nasty party" that was hung
round the Tories' neck, was accordingly too nervous even to mention
immigration during the recent election campaign, even though it was at
the very top of the list of voters' concerns.
But Cameron didn't win the election, and is now forced to govern in a
coalition with the left-wing Lib-Dems. His failure to talk about
immigration is said to be the reason why he failed to win an election
that was thought impossible for him to lose.
Nothing concentrates the political mind so well as the spectre of
defeat. And so now in both Britain and Australia a political sea change
is taking place.
In both countries, voters are stating unequivocally that they have seen
through all the spin about multiculturalism, all the false arguments
about the alleged economic advantages of mass immigration, all the
bullying and name-calling about racism.
They look at their neighbourhoods and realise that their culture and
national identity are being replaced by something entirely new. No one
has ever asked them for their consent to this. And they are simply not
going to take it any more.
In Britain, the public services are buckling under the sheer weight of
the numbers coming into the country.
More explosive is the cultural transformation, particularly by the large
influx and expansion of Muslims who, rather than accommodating
themselves to British society, expect it to accommodate itself to them.
So Britain is being steadily Islamised, with more than 1700 mosques, the
development of a parallel jurisdiction of sharia law in Muslim enclaves,
banks offering sharia financing, extremists given free rein on campuses
and relentless pressure to suppress and censor any criticism of Islam or
the Muslim community.
In parts of Australia too there are similar worries about the growth of
the Muslim community, the pressure not to criticise any aggression it
may display and the simultaneous onslaught upon Australian values by the
likes of [Muslim cleric] Sheik Hilaly.
Listening to such concerns pays electoral dividends, as shown by Abbott,
who has made such headway by defending the traditional values and
national integrity of Australia as an entirely justifiable and moral
position.
So Gillard is now humming the same tune, saying she sympathises with
voters' desire for strong management of Australia's borders, and
pledging "sustainable population" increase with the "right kind of
immigrant".
A similar political convulsion is occurring in Britain. The Conservative
Home Secretary, Theresa May, has promised to put a cap on immigration, a
pledge that was in the Conservative manifesto but rarely mentioned
during the election campaign.
Even more striking is the abrupt change of tune among several contenders
for the leadership of the defeated British Labour Party. While
front-runner David Miliband is sticking with its open-door immigration
policy, his younger brother Ed has said "we never had an answer for the
people who were worried about it".
Former Labour health secretary Andy Burnham claims the party has been
"in denial" about the issue, which was "the biggest doorstep issue in
constituencies where Labour lost".
Most jaw-dropping of all, former education secretary and hard man of the
Left Ed Balls has said high levels of immigration under Labour had
affected the pay and conditions of "too many people", and has called for
better protection for British workers if the European Union expands any
further.
Such death-bed conversions are of course driven by cynical political
considerations. Nevertheless, they are levering open an ideological
fixation which has not just sunk democratic politics into disrepute but
driven culture and morality in both Britain and Australia off the rails
altogether.
For the doctrines of anti-racism and multiculturalism have not ended
intolerance, prejudice or discrimination. They have instead
institutionalised reverse discrimination and up-ended truth, morality
and justice.
Following the Marxist doctrine that prejudice is restricted to those
with power, they have given Third-World ethnic minorities special
protection from rules or conventions that apply to everyone else.
They have also served to falsify the history of both Britain and
Australia in the minds of countless thousands of young people, who are
taught propaganda based on a false or distorted story of national
oppression and shame.
Multiculturalism threatens to undermine societies, by removing the
cultural glue that binds all citizens together and balkanising the
country into interest groups fighting for supremacy.
Once upon a time, the need to have strong borders and endorse a historic
cultural identity were axiomatic elements of citizenship and national
survival.
But mass immigration and multiculturalism are predicated on what is
called "trans-nationalism", the belief that the nation is the source of
all the ills of the world and must be replaced by supranational
institutions and cultural identities.
This is precisely what -at a visceral level - the people of both
Australia and Britain understand and are refusing to accept.
And at last, in both Australia and Britain, politicians are being forced
to listen.
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